The National
Journal has
published
its
latest poll
of
leading
political
bloggers.
The results:
Majorites of
left-leaning
and
right-leaning
bloggers
both agree
that Obama
will bring
"a little"
change to
the way
Washington
works. A
majority of
the Left and
Right agree
that
partisan
divisions
next year
will either
stay the
same or
increase.
Lefties
expect that
conservatives
will be
biggest
thorn in
Obama's
side,
whereas the
Righties
expect
Liberal
Democrats to
be an even
bigger thorn
for him.
Majorities
on both
sides agree
that Obama's
smartest
course would
be to
"Compromise
only as much
as is
necessary to
win passage"
for his
agenda, and
not to pad
his
majorities
with further
compromise.
The Left
thinks that
the smartest
course for
Republicans
would be to
downplay
their
differences
with Obama,
but the
Right
overwhelmingly
disagrees.
The Left
thinks that
the greater
risk for
Obama is not
tackling
enough
issues,
whereas the
right sees
the greater
risk in
Obama's
spreading
himself too
thin by
taking on
too many
issues.
The Left
bloggers
were asked
how much
energy the
Democrats
should spend
investigating
the Bush
administration.
"A moderate
amount" was
the choice
of 60%. The
Right was
asked who
they would
like to see
become the
leading
voice of the
Republican
party next
year. The
winners were
Bobby Jindal
and Sarah
Palin, each
with 18%.
Although I
like Palin
and would be
happy to see
her elected
President, I
voted for
Jindal, whom
I described
as
"Brilliant,
principled,
articulate."
That review
is the
Charleston
Law Review.
President-elect
Obama's
foreword to
volume 2,
issue 1
(2007) is
available
here.
As for my
own article
in
Charleston,
it's
forthcoming
in volume 3,
which is at
the printer.
But
available
now in final
form at SSRN:
Pacifist-Aggressives
vs. the
Second
Amendment:
An Analysis
of Modern
Philosophies
of
Compulsory
Non-Violence.
The article
begins with
the
observation
that,
domestically
and
internationally,
there are
many
religious
organizations
and leaders
who denounce
self-defense,
and who seek
to ban or
drastically
restrict
guns in
order to
impose their
own
morality.
The article
examines
some leading
religious
pacifist
philosophers,
and some
historical
examples of
how pacifism
has worked
in
real-world
conditions.
The article
has high
praise for
John Howard
Yoder
(perhaps the
greatest
pacifist
writer of
all time),
and for
Thomas
Merton (an
influential
advocate of
non-violence,
but not a
pacifist).
The article
is more
critical of
Stanley
Hauerwas,
more
critical
still of Leo
Tolstoy, and
dismayed
with the
shallow and
factually
inaccurate
writings of
Tony Campolo.
The article
sets the
record
straight on
the Danish
rescue of
the Jews
during World
War II. King
Christian X
never wore a
yellow star.
The Danish
response to
the Nazis
was very
cowardly at
the start,
at a time
when bravery
might have
changed the
course the
war. The
1943 rescue
of the
Danish Jews,
smuggling
them to
Sweden, was
very noble,
but it was
not an
example of
successful
pacifism in
action.
Switzerland,
which was
armed to the
teeth and
ready to
fight, ended
the war with
even a
better
record of
protecting
its native
Jews than
did Denmark.
The American
Civil Rights
Movement
used
pacifist
tactics at
some times,
even as
civil rights
workers
armed
themselves
for
protection
against Ku
Klux Klan
attacks. The
slogan
"violence
never solves
anything" is
the ethical
equivalent
of
flat-Earth
geography.
It is a
purportedly
empirical
claim which
is
contradicted
by ample and
obvious
evidence.
In the real
world, there
are plenty
of brave
pacifists,
including
the Moriori
tribe of the
Chatham
Islands, who
chose to
suffer
genocide
rather than
use
violence.
The article
does not
attempt to
refute
arguments
that
pacifism is
mandated by
Christian
scripture,
or by other
sources of
religious
authority.
Rather, the
article
suggests
that the
argument
which
some
pacifists
make--that
pacifism
always,
necessarily,
leads to
better
real-world
results, is
empirically
false. In a
free
society, the
government
should not
force
pacifists to
use force.
Likewise,
pacifists
should not
attempt to
use
government
force to
deprive
other people
of the means
or the right
of
self-defense.
VC readers
saw a draft
version on
this article
on SSRN a
little over
a year ago.
The
Charleston
staff did a
great job
with the
article;
it's a
tighter,
more precise
piece thanks
to their
cite-checking.
Thanks also
to Eugene
Volokh, for
coining the
term
"pacifist-aggressives."
He too has
been
published in
a law
journal
which has
also
published
Obama,
namely the
Harvard
Law Review.
The National Journal's latest surveys of left-leaning and right-leaning bloggers are now available. Regarding the auto bailout, almost all left-leaning bloggers support it, provided there are major concessions from management only, or from management plus the unions. Right leaning-bloggers are strongly opposed, although a minority do favor a bailout if there are concessions by everyone. My own view was, "The auto companies and the unions need to renegotiate their retirement and medical programs. A bailout will impede, rather than assist, the necessary restructuring of the auto business."
On the Obama cabinet, the Lefties and Righties both like Treasury Secretary Geithner (a topic on which I was a minority, since he seems poised to continue the Bush policy of corporate welfare for the financial industry). The Right liked Defense Secretary Gates, and the Left liked Secretary of State Clinton. The biggest gap was on Attorney General Holder, who got a B+ from the Left and a D+ from the Right. In light of Obama's primary campaign rhetoric, I thought that the Gates/Clinton duo is a much more hawkish, pro-defense team than might have been expected. As for the Attorney General nominee, I wrote that "Holder served as No. 2 to one of the worst, most lawless attorneys general in U.S. history. His role and his lies in the Elian Gonzalez abduction were despicable." Although the poll didn't ask, I would also put Alberto Gonzalez in the group of "worst, most lawless attorneys general in U.S. history." Thank goodness he's not on the Supreme Court.
Fourth
Circuit
Judge J.
Harvie
Wilkinson,
III, is the
author of a
forthcoming
article in
the
Virginia Law
Review,
Of Guns,
Abortions,
and the
Unraveling
Rule of Law.
Wilkinson
criticizes
the Supreme
Court's
decision in
District
of Columbia
v. Heller,
and argues
that the
majority
opinion is
wrong for
the same
reasons that
Roe v.
Wade was
wrong: both
cases
violated
"judicial
values,"
such as
deference to
legislative
decisions,
avoidance of
political
thickets,
and
federalism.
The draft
article has
attracted
much
favorable
attention
from the
media,
including
the New
York Times,
Washington
Post,
Associated
Press, and
George Will.
In a working
paper now
available on
SSRN, Nelson
Lund and I
critique
Judge
Wilkinson's
equation of
Heller
and Roe.
Unraveling
Judicial
Restraint:
Guns,
Abortion,
and the Faux
Conservatism
of J. Harvie
Wilkinson,
III
argues that
Judge
Wilkinson's
analogy
between
Roe and
Heller
is
untenable.
The right of
the people
to keep and
bear arms is
in the
Constitution,
and the
right to
abortion is
not.
Contrary to
Judge
Wilkinson,
the genuine
conservative
critique of
Roe
is based on
the
Constitution,
not on
judicial
"values."
Judge
Wilkinson,
moreover,
does not
show that
Heller's
interpretation
of the
Second
Amendment is
refuted, or
even called
into serious
question, by
Justice
Stevens'
dissenting
opinion.
After
addressing
the Roe
analogy, our
article
examines
Judge
Wilkinson's
stated rules
of judicial
restraint.
We contend
that Judge
Wilkinson
himself does
not adhere
to the
"neutral
principle"
that he
claims to
derive from
"judicial
values."
Under the
principle of
judicial
restraint
that he
articulates,
many
now-reviled
statutes,
including
the Jim Crow
laws of the
twentieth
century,
should have
been upheld
by the
courts. The
article
suggests
that Judge
Wilkinson
does not
accept the
consequences
of his own
supposedly
neutral
principle,
preferring
instead to
endorse or
condemn
Supreme
Court
decisions
solely on
the basis of
his policy
preferences.
Although the
Wilkinson
article is
couched in
the language
of judicial
restraint,
it amounts
to an
endorsement
of judicial
lawlessness.
The great Dutch hymn "We Gather Together" celebrates Dutch victory in a battle of the war of independence from Spain. The hymn was adopted by Americans because it resonated so much with their own circumstances. It's a very relevant song this year, too, as the war between freedom and tyranny continues. Here's my VC post on the song, including the full lyrics, from 2005. And here's a good version of the song, from YouTube.YouTube has plenty of other versions too, if you want to hear pure organ music, or a church performance in Spanish.
University of Montana Law Professor (and Independence Institute Senior Fellow) Rob Natelson explains it all in this 32 minute podcast. I interviewed Rob for the iVoices.org podcast series, and we talked about Ex Post Facto, Indian Commerce, Alexander Hamilton's duplicity, and, most of all, constitutional hermeneutics.
Gun Control on Trial: Inside the Supreme Court Battle Over the Second Amendment, by Brian Doherty (an editor of Reason magazine), premieres this week. The book is published by the Cato Institute. Here's the Cato site for the book, including a good video commercial. I read a pre-publication draft in September, and thought it was a solid history of the case, including the broader context around the case.
This afternoon (4 p.m. Eastern Time) Cato will host a forum on the new book, which you can watch online.
The other book on Heller is co-authored by Alan Korwin and me. The Heller Case: Gun Rights Affirmed! is much larger in page count and narrower in focus than the Cato book. The Cato book is a journalistic story of an important case, similar to Gideon's Trumpet by Anthony Lewis. In contrast, The Heller Case is a reference book on Supreme Court jurisprudence. It's a sequel to the Kopel-Halbrook-Korwin book from 2003, Supreme Court Gun Cases. That book provided the text, along with commentary and analysis, for all 92 Supreme Court cases involving the Second Amendment (even in passing), firearms law, or self-defense law. The new book, The Heller Case, provides summaries of those 92 cases, plus the full text (the relevant parts) with analysis of three recent cases on firearms/self-defense (Brosseau, 2004; Small, 2004; Castle Rock, 2005). And then there is the full text of Heller itself, the 96th Supreme Court gun case. That's followed by 80 pages of analysis of the meaning and implications of Heller from scholars such as Glenn Reynolds (and me), and reactions from pro-rights groups, anti-rights groups, and also contrarian gun rights advocates who warn that the Heller will destroy the Second Amendment. Plus outline level summaries of every one of the 67 amicus briefs. And Alan Korwin's description of the scene on argument day, and life in Hellertown (the two-day camp-out scene outside the Court building).
Gun Control on Trial and The Heller Case would be, in my biased view, fine additions to your legal library, or great gifts for anyone who you know who is interested in Second Amendment issues.
Most states have commissions which evaluate the performance of state judges. Would it be a good idea to institute similar performance review of federal judges? For judicial elections, are campaign contribution/spending ceilings constitutional? What about bans on candidates personally soliciting contributions? There are the topics of a symposium issue of the Denver University law review, including a foreword by Justice O'Connor. Comments on these topics are very welcome--but only after the commenter has read at least one of the articles in the symposium.
[David Kopel, November 20, 2008 at 7:41pm] Trackbacks
Earlier
this year, Eric Holder--along
with Janet Reno and several
other former officials from the
Clinton Department of
Justice--co-signed an amicus
brief in District of Columbia v.
Heller. The brief was filed in
support of DC's ban on all
handguns, and ban on the use of
any firearm for self-defense in
the home. The
brief argued that the Second
Amendment is a "collective"
right, not an individual one,
and asserted that belief in the
collective right had been the
consistent policy of the U.S.
Department of Justice since the
FDR administration. A brief
filed by some other former DOJ
officials (including several
Attorneys General, and Stuart
Gerson, who was Acting Attorney
General until Janet Reno was
confirmed) took issue with the
Reno-Holder brief's
characterization of DOJ's
viewpoint.
But at the least, the
Reno-Holder brief accurately
expressed the position of the
Department of Justice when Janet
Reno was Attorney General and
Eric Holder was Deputy Attorney
General. At the oral argument
before the Fifth Circuit in
United States v. Emerson, the
Assistant U.S. Attorney told the
panel that the Second Amendment
was no barrier to gun
confiscation, not even of the
confiscation of guns from
on-duty National Guardsmen.
As Deputy Attorney General,
Holder was a strong supporter of
restrictive gun control. He
advocated federal licensing of
handgun owners, a three day
waiting period on handgun sales,
rationing handgun sales to no
more than one per month, banning
possession of handguns and
so-called "assault weapons"
(cosmetically incorrect guns) by
anyone under age of 21, a gun
show restriction bill that would
have given the federal
government the power to shut
down all gun shows, national gun
registration, and mandatory
prison sentences for trivial
offenses (e.g., giving your son
an heirloom handgun for
Christmas, if he were two weeks
shy of his 21st birthday). He
also promoted the factoid that
"Every day that goes by, about
12, 13 more children in this
country die from gun
violence"--a statistic is true
only if one counts
18-year-old gangsters who shoot
each other as "children." (Sources:
Holder
testimony before House
Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee
on Crime, May 27,1999;
Holder Weekly Briefing, May
20, 2000. One of the bills that
Holder endorsed is detailed in
my 1999 Issue Paper "Unfair
and Unconstitutional.")
After 9/11, he penned a
Washington Post op-ed,
"Keeping Guns Away From
Terrorists" arguing that a new
law should give "the Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms a
record of every firearm sale."
He also stated that prospective
gun buyers should be checked
against the secret "watch lists"
compiled by various government
entities. (In an
Issue Paper on the watch
list proposal, I quote a FBI
spokesman stating that there is
no cause to deny gun ownership
to someone simply because she is
on the FBI list.)
After the D.C. Circuit Court of
Appeals ruled that the D.C.
handgun ban and self-defense ban
were unconstitutional in 2007,
Holder
complained that the decision
"opens the door to more people
having more access to guns and
putting guns on the streets."
Holder
played a key role in the
gunpoint, night-time kidnapping
of Elian Gonzalez. The
pretext for the paramilitary
invasion of the six-year-old's
home was that someone in his
family might have been licensed
to carry a handgun under Florida
law. Although a Pulitzer
Prize-winning photo showed a
federal agent dressed like a
soldier and pointing a machine
gun at the man who was holding
the terrified child, Holder
claimed that Gonzalez "was
not taken at the point of a gun"
and that the federal agents whom
Holder had sent to capture
Gonzalez had acted "very
sensitively." If Mr. Holder
believes that breaking down a
door with a battering ram,
pointing guns at children (not
just Elian), and yelling "Get
down, get down, we'll shoot" is
example of acting "very
sensitively," his judgment about
the responsible use of firearms
is not as acute as would be
desirable for a cabinet officer
who would be in charge of
thousands and thousands of armed
federal agents, many of them
paramilitary agents with machine
guns.
Here's a new podcast in which Jon Caldara and I have a quick discussion of Colorado's election results, including the defeat of several tax increase ballot issues, and the defeat of Marilyn Musgrave. It's a little over 7 minutes long, and available in MP3 on iVoices.org.

